<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> Around 30,000 citizens of pre-war Czechoslovakia were persecuted in the Soviet Union, at least 5.000 originated from Czech lands. One of the groups consist of the people who in the period of 1939-1942 sought refuge in the USSR from German or Hungarian Nazism, or who wanted to actively fight against it. They ended up in the Gulag, from which they were freed during an amnesty linked to the creation of a Czechoslovak unit in the USSR. Many were Czechoslovak Jews, including those who escaped from the Nazi concentration camp in Poland. Nisko, while thousands were inhabitants of Carpathian Ruthenia. </abstract>

A Repression of Czechoslovak Citizens in the USSR

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The object of this study is the existence of the village <italic>tízes</italic> (organization in structures by ten) as space-specific elements in Szeklerland and the social problems at the turn of the centuries (involving the population, the community, the culture, and the economy). The study is the result of a historical-geographical survey of the cultural space in Szeklerland within a larger research. The main purpose is to make an attempt to form a historical, system-based perspective, make people aware of the material and spiritual value of the Szekler <italic>tízes</italic> as well as contribute to the subsistence of the <italic>tízes</italic> and the reinterpretation of the notion of value in the 21st century, using my own means and modalities. The subsistence of the Szekler village <italic>tízes</italic> is not required by the subsistence or restoration of the romantic, spiritual goods or the community organization but by the necessities of the entire community.</abstract>

On the Track of the Szekler Village <italic>Tízes</italic> The Model-Like Potential of the Szekler Village <italic>Tízes</italic> on the Eve of the 21st Century

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> This paper is an elaboration of a theoretical framework we developed in the introductory chapter of our co-edited volume, State Traditions and Language Regimes (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2015). Using a historical institutionalism approach derived from political science, we argue that language policies need to be understood in terms of their historical and institutional context. The concept of ‘state tradition’ focuses our attention on the relative autonomy of the state in terms of its normative and institutional traditions that lead to particular path dependencies of language policy choices, subject to change at critical junctures. ‘Language regime’ is the conceptual link between state traditions and language policy choices: it allows us to analytically conceptualize how and why these choices are made and how and why they change. We suggest that our framework offers a more robust analysis of language politics than other approaches found in sociolinguistics and normative theory. It also challenges political science to become more engaged with scholarly debate on language policy and linguistic diversity.</abstract>

State Traditions and Language Regimes: A Historical Institutionalism Approach to Language Policy

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The Serbo-Croatian language was but one of the casualties of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, as it was discursively forcefully split into first two, then three, and recently four allegedly separate languages. The first line of division was promoted by Serbian and Croatian nationalist linguists during the early nineties, soon to be followed by the invention of a standalone Bosnian language, even though contemporary linguistics agrees that Serbo-Croatian, with its regional varieties (as a standardized polycentric language), is a single language. Coming late into the fray, nationally-minded linguists from Montenegro achieved the state-driven proclamation of Montenegrin as a separate language to be in official use within the state only in 2007. Backed by the state, a coterie of nationalist literary theorists and linguists started discursively promoting Montenegrin in academic and public spaces, mostly via the dubious quasi-academic journal titled <italic>Lingua Montenegrina.</italic> This article explores the manners in which Montenegrin nationalist linguists discursively created what they dub to be a language entirely separate from all variants of Serbo-Croatian, which are mostly contained in encomiastic texts about key nationalists, attempts to classify several allophones and phonemes as well as to assert the purported primordial character of the language.</abstract>

The Discursive Creation of the ‘Montenegrin Language’ and Montenegrin Linguistic Nationalism in the 21st Century

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> The study outlines the capturing of prisoners by the Red Army taking control over Transylvania in the fall of 1944. It presents the second wave of capturing: the deportations in January-February 1945, pronouncedly oriented toward the German community (Transylvanian Saxons and Swabians) primarily living in the Banat. There are described the circumstances of capturing the prisoners, the number of those taken away, the routes of their deportation, the locations and lengths of their captivity, the number of the victims, and the return of the survivors. Finally, the remembrance of the 1945 Soviet deportations, their present social embeddedness is expounded. The source material of the study consists of specialist books, essays, published recollections, and interviews with survivors made by the author and other researchers</abstract>

The Deportation of Germans from Romania to the Soviet Union in 1944–1945

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The central argument of this paper is that radical and opposing interpretations of the Ukrainian conflict in politics and media should be studied as offspring of broader narratives. These narratives can be better understood by examining the national identity of Ukraine. Since Ukrainian national identity shows a high degree of diversity, it offers a rich source of arguments for any party wanting to give an interpretation of the present Ukrainian crisis. Narratives explaining the crisis often ignore this complex diversity or deliberately use elements from it to construct the ‘desired’ narrative.Firstly, this paper defines four overarching narratives used in the current debate: the geopolitical, the nationalist, the structuralist, and the legal narrative. Secondly, this paper shows how various interpretations fitting within these narratives are all one way or another related to the divisions dividing Ukraine’s complex national identity. Examining the underlying divisions helps to explain the appeal of differing interpretations of the conflict in the West, Ukraine, and Russia. Especially the nationalist narrative and geopolitical narratives show how the complexity of Ukraine’s national identity is deliberately used to construct a narrative.The combined study of constructed narratives and Ukrainian national identity thus provides valuable material for any scholar or policymaker looking for a deeper understanding of the situation in Ukraine amidst a confusing information war.</abstract>

Understanding the Narratives Explaining the Ukrainian Crisis: Identity Divisions and Complex Diversity in Ukraine

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<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
The pharmaceutical market is in a constant state of dynamism. There have been many changes in the market recently, and the business environment has changed, one of the most important factors driving the market being consumer behaviour and habits. Trends towards a healthier lifestyle are reflected in changes in purchasing behaviour, with the consumption of dietary supplements becoming increasingly popular. Within the pharmaceutical supply chain, the analysis focuses on pharmacies. The aim of the study is to describe the market changes affecting pharmacy retailing, in particular the effects of changing consumer habits and more conscious purchasing and the impact of the strong presence of players outside the supply chain on pharmacy turnover.
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Market Changes in the Pharmaceutical Industry

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<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
In this study, we compare the socio-demographic background of Hungarian higher education students in the field of agriculture with that of students in other fields, and we also examine students’ career consciousness based on data from a large-sample survey conducted in Eastern Hungary in 2019. We found that in the field of agriculture 63.6% of the students were male and 64. 8% came from smaller settlements, which may be explained by the nature of the agricultural field. Regarding career consciousness, we found that while agricultural students come to higher education with the hope of obtaining a well-paying, high-prestige job, they usually do not engage in career-oriented activities and achievements during their studies.
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Socio-demographic Background and Career Consciousness of Students in Agricultural Higher Education in Eastern Hungary

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<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
Since the 1980s, almost all of the Hungarian narrow-gauge railway lines underwent a complete change of function. About 120-140 years ago, narrow-gauge railways were created mainly for economic purposes. Nowadays, with a few exceptions, freight operation is completely eliminated and replaced by tourism. In my study, I deal with two questions: on the one hand, I will examine the place of the existing narrow-gauge railways in the tourism system. In this context, I will present the tourism potential of narrow-gauge railways. These include, for example, the availability of narrow-gauge railways, their inclusion in the wider tourism system, the material conditions of the basic infrastructure of narrow-gauge railways, etc. On the other hand, by presenting four railway lines from South Transdanubia, I will examine how well the opportunities offered by tourism have been exploited at the local level, what the impact of narrow-gauge railways is on tourism, and what the tourism-related significance of these lines is at all. Based on my analysis, it can be concluded that the narrow-gauge railway sector is developing within the tourism system, and compared to the period before the COVID-19 pandemic (2020–2021), investments, technical developments, and attendance have also increased. It is also clear from the South Transdanubian cases that the narrow-gauge railway system is becoming more and more important especially where it can be connected to other tourist attractions (natural parks, forest schools, etc. ), which is also evident in the attendance indicators.
</abstract>

Exploitation of Narrow-Gauge Railways for Tourism in the South Transdanubian Region

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<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
The 2010s saw a gradual improvement in economic growth in Hungary, which was noticeable in all regions. In this research, we examine the post-crisis economic development trends in a NUTS 3 level disaggregation in the context of the dependent market economy model. The research uses descriptive and multivariate statistical analysis to shed light on the main regional trends. Notable changes occurred mainly in the top and middle performing counties in terms of output, while the bottom of the ranking was characterized by stagnation. Territorial disparities have temporarily narrowed, but there has been no significant catching up of lagging regions.
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Drivers of Regional Economic Growth in Hungary before and during the Pandemic Crisis

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<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
In this paper, we introduce research results from our network-approach-based investigation of the European Union defence cooperation projects. After brief remarks on the background, the research problem, the conceptual and methodological issues, we focus on the structure of the cooperation network and introduce the territorial, institutional, and (sub)regional patterns of partnerships. The data analyses illustrate that an integrated but fragmented cooperation network could be explored, and in several aspects remarkable differences can be measured on country-, regional, and sub-regional levels implying that territorial and institutional factors might have an important role in this specific area as well.
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Patterns of Cooperation in the European Defence Sector – A Network-Approach-Based Investigation of EU Projects

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<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
Our article examines the changes in the economic position of a Hungarian secondary city, Pécs, and its region in the post-crisis period from a labour productivity perspective. Our aim is to contrast results based on data of the city’s largest local firms from the Orbis Europe enterprise database with the results based on the EuroStat regional database. We assess local trends in a sectoral disaggregation and focus on the period between the two crises. Our results suggest that Pécs and its region face a persistent difficulty in attracting external resources and in retaining and generating endogenous resources.
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Labour Productivity in a Central and Eastern European Secondary City – Evidence from Regional and Firm-Level Data

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Minority rights instruments have been traditionally applied to old minority groups. This paper examines to what extent these same instruments are conceptually meaningful to the integration of new minorities stemming from migration. The conviction that minority groups, irrespective of their being old or new minorities, have some basic common claims that can be subsumed under a common definition does not mean that all minority groups have all the same rights and legitimate claims: some have only minimum rights, while others have or should be granted more substantial rights; some can legitimately put forward certain claims – not enforceable rights – that need to be negotiated with the majority, while others should not. In order to devise a common but differentiated set of rights and obligations for old and new minority groups, it is essential to analyse the differences and similarities of both categories of minorities, their claims, needs, and priorities; in this way, it will be possible to delineate a catalogue of rights that can be demanded by and granted to different minority groups. Studying the interaction between traditional minorities and migrants or old and new minority groups is a rather new task because so far these topics have been studied in isolation from each other. It is also an important task for future research in Europe since many states have established systems for the rights of old minorities but have not as yet developed sound policies for the integration of new minority groups stemming from migration.</abstract>

Old and New Minorities: Diversity Governance and Social Cohesion from the Perspective of Minority Rights

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> One of the key concepts of the MIME (Mobility and Inclusion in Multilingual Europe) project is, obviously, ‘inclusion’. However, precisely describing what the concept means is not as straightforward as it may seem. It has been used in different contexts in scientific literature. This paper attempts to contribute to the enfolding MIME-framework by critically reflecting upon the definition of ‘inclusion’. Drawing upon theories of acculturation, three core concepts in minority literature, namely ‘assimilation,’ ‘integration,’ and ‘inclusion’ will be examined, and their differences demarcated. In the light of recent developments, such as transnationalism, it will be determined which concept is best suited to analyse contemporary accommodation processes of minorities in their countries of residence. After examining the trade-off between mobility and inclusion, a central topic in all MIMErelated research, some general conclusions about ‘inclusion’ and diversitymanagement will be drawn.</abstract>

Beyond Assimilation and Integration: The Shift to ‘National’ and ‘Transnational’ Inclusion

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Should English be promoted as a worldwide lingua franca for justice-related reasons? Philippe Van Parijs answers affirmatively in order to promote global distributive justice. In contrast, I argue that a rapid expansion of English could lead to one undesirable consequence that ought to be prevented: the globalization of an Anglo-American life-world that impoverishes democratic-deliberative debates. Inspired by John Stuart Mill, I will defend the idea that the more dominant the Anglo-American life-world is, the less diversity of life-worlds and, therefore, the less diversity of substantial voices in the global democratic-deliberative process there will be. It might be that more voices could be heard (because of the lingua franca), but with less substantial diversity of opinions. In that sense, the life-worlds (and language as an access key to them) have an instrumental value that enables plurality and better deliberative discussion. For that reason, I contend that there is a <italic>pro tanto</italic> reason to prevent the expansion of English as a lingua franca.</abstract>

Why Should We Prevent a Global Anglo-American Life-World? A Democratic-Deliberative Answer

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>The article is a brief evaluation of the regulatory environment of language use in Transylvania, Romania based on Van Parijs’ conceptual toolkit presented in his 2011 book <italic>Linguistic Justice for Europe and for the World</italic>. This linguistic regime is a coercive hybrid regulation containing elements stemming from both the categorical regime (personality principle) and territoriality. In municipalities or counties where the official use of minority languages is permitted, it is typically present in a conjunctive manner, but its enforcement is weak and inconsistent. The principle of territorially coercive linguistic subdivision – proposed by Van Parijs as an optimal solution for a greater linguistic justice – is not accommodated in any of the fields of official communication and under present political circumstances it has no further plausibility. A hypothetical alternative for the territorially coercive regime would be the introduction of English as a lingua franca in interethnic communication. We argued that this latter option would be fair only if English could entirely replace the official languages currently in use or it would receive a fully equivalent status at least in those regions where a considerable number of linguistic minorities live.</abstract>

Linguistic Justice and English as a Lingua Franca from a Minority Perspective

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Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies

The Journal of Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania

Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies publishes original papers and surveys concerning the historical development, the economic, societal, political and philosophical...

Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies publishes original papers and surveys concerning the historical development, the economic,...